In a surprising culling of top security figures in the country, Kyrgyz President Sadyr Japarov dismissed his longtime ally, security chief Kamchybek Tashiev, and a handful of deputies on February 10.

“The main goal of this step was to strengthen the unity of the state and prevent divisions in society, including between government agencies,” Japarov reportedly said of the decision, according to Kyrgyz media.

Tashiev, a longtime ally of Japarov, has served as the head of the State Committee for National Security (GKNB), a powerful intelligence agency with widesweeping powers, since October 16, 2020.

Japarov and Tashiev rose in prominence and power together. From their roots agitating for the nationalization of the Kumtor Gold Mine in the 2010s as opposition political figuresto Japarov’s breakout from prison in early October 2020 in the aftermath of the botched parliamentary election and subsequent leap to the top of Kyrgyz politics, the two appeared as a package deal.

The Japarov-Tashiev tandem went to great lengths to consolidate their power. Tashiev was as prominent a figure as Japarov, touring the country, giving speeches, and appearing often in the media defending the administration. He led the crackdown on dissenters and journalists with as much fervor as he spared for criminal elements.

“There was no clear division of power,” Dr. Aksana Ismailbekova, a research fellow at Leibniz-Zentrum Moderner Orient (ZMO) in Berlin, Germany, told The Diplomat. “Tashiev was responsible not only for security issues but also for other internal affairs, including social projects.”

“Together they created a climate of fear,” Ismailbekova said, citing conversations with local sources in Kyrgyzstan. “As my informants told me, Tashiev’s influence was pervasive.”

Analysts long wondered how strong the tandem was, and how long a duopoly could last in Kyrgyzstan’s often-tumultuous political arena.

In early January 2026Tashiev was quoted in a documentary about Japarov as saying, “In this life, only death can separate us.”

He went on to suggest that “many” had tried to “sow discord between us,” particularly with allegations that Tashiev has his eyes on the presidency. “But this is not true,” Tashiev said in January of rumors that he aimed to contest the presidency at the expense of his ally.

In recent weeks, there has been discussion in Kyrgyz political circles regarding the possibility of early presidential elections. Kyrgyzstan is due for a presidential election in January 2027 and even moved up its parliamentary elections by a year on the back of thin arguments that running the two polls in rapid succession in late 2026-early 2027 would be impractical.

“I do not intend to overthrow Sadyr Nurgoyevich [Japarov],” Tashiev said in January. “I can clearly say that our relationship is based on mutual understanding, and the plans of those who wish to divide us will not come to fruition. In this life, only death can separate us. If health and opportunity are on our side, I would like to continue working in this format until the end of my days.”

A month later, Tashiev is out.

On February 10, Tashiev was dismissed from not only his GKNB post but also his position as a deputy chairman in the Cabinet of Ministers. Several other top GKNB deputies were also dismissed: Daniel Rysalievdeputy chairman of the GKNB and director of its Coordination Center for Cybersecurity; Elizar Smanovdeputy chairman of the GKNB; and Kurvanbek Avazovfirst deputy chairman of the GKNB.

Zhumgalbek Shabdanbekovpreviously a deputy chairman, has been appointed acting chairman of the GKNB and Rustam Mamasadykov has been shifted from secretary to first deputy chairman.

Tashiev has yet to comment publicly on his dismissal. He is reportedly in Germany for medical treatment and learned of his dismissal via the media. That means Japarov fired Tashiev when he was away from Kyrgyzstan, possibly a strategic choice given how deeply enmeshed Tashiev is in the security forces of the country.

Meanwhile, debate around the possibility of an early presidential election has intensified. Tashiev’s dismissal is either the opening move of a ruse in the making or evidence of a true fracture.

“There are two main views,” Ismailbekova told The Diplomat. “On the one hand, many believe that Tashiev will run for president… Some also suggest that there may be a scenario similar to the Putin-Medvedev arrangement [in Russia]in which both figures remain in power by rotating positions or alternating roles.”

Former Kyrgyz President Almazbek Atambayev, who left office in 2017 when his protege Sooronbay Jeenbekov was elected to succeed him, had been rumored to be angling for a Putin-Medvedev arrangement, too. If that was Atambayev’s hope, that hope was well and duly dashed when Jeenbekov had his precessor arrested in August 2019.

The other view Ismailbekova highlighted argues that “Tashiev has become a threat to Japarov. The struggle for power could ruin their relationship. Japarov decided to remove his rival quickly, before he gained too much influence.”

Ismailbekova concluded: “This competition between Tashiev and Japarov could lead to political instability.”